Malvina Halberstam: Bracing for Dugard

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http://www.nysun.com/opinion/bracing-for-dugard/79439/

Later this month the United Nations’s Council on Human Rights will consider a report issued by the Special Rapporteur for Palestine, John Dugard. The report condones acts of terrorism against Israel, in clear contravention of resolutions by the Security Council, the General Assembly, and a report by then U.N. Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, that acts of terrorism are criminal wherever and by whoever commits them, regardless of motivation.

The report issued by the Special Rapporteur states:

  • A distinction must be drawn between acts of mindless terror, such as acts committed by Al Qaeda and acts committed in the course of a war of national liberation against colonialism, apartheid or military occupation.
  • Such acts cannot be justified… they must be understood as being a painful but inevitable consequence of colonialism, apartheid or occupation.
  • Acts of terror against military occupation must be seen in historical context. This is why every effort should be made to bring the occupation to a speedy end. Until this is done peace cannot be expected, and violence will continue…
  • Israel must address the occupation and the violation of human rights and international humanitarian law it engenders, and not invoke the justification of terrorism as a distraction, as a pretext for failure to confront the root cause of Palestinian violence ? the occupation.

The rest of the report, strongly critical of various actions taken by Israel, makes no reference to the fact that these actions were taken in response to terrorist attacks against Israel and, in Israel’s view, were necessary to protect its citizens from future attacks.

For a number of years the U.N.’s position on terrorism was ambiguous. Resolutions of the General Assembly condemning acts of terrorism included a paragraph reaffirming the rights of peoples fighting for self determination, arguably suggesting ? though never explicitly stating ? that terrorism in support of self determination was not prohibited.

But, for almost two decades now, the U.N.’s condemnation of terrorism has been unequivocal. The General Assembly, the Security Council, as well as Mr. Annan, have all condemned terrorism regardless of its motivation.

The General Assembly adopted a series of resolutions between 1985 and 1993 that condemned terrorist acts “wherever and by whomever” committed. Though the earlier resolutions included a paragraph reaffirming the right to self-determination, the 1993 resolution, titled Human Rights and Terrorism, and those adopted thereafter, did not.

In 1994, the General Assembly adopted the Declaration on Measures to Eliminate International Terrorism. This declaration says, “the States members of the United Nations solemnly reaffirm their unequivocal condemnation of all acts, methods and practices of terrorism, as criminal and unjustifiable, wherever and by whomever committed.”

The declaration further says that such acts are “in any circumstances unjustifiable, whatever the considerations of political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic, religious or any other nature that may be invoked to justify them.”

The Security Council also has adopted a number of resolutions condemning terrorism in general, in addition to its condemnation of specific instances of terrorism. Security Council Resolution 1269, adopted in 1999, “unequivocally condemns all acts, methods and practices of terrorism as criminal and unjustifiable.”

Security Council Resolution 1373, adopted on September 28, 2001, following the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon reaffirms that “any act of international terrorism [constitutes] a threat to international peace and security” and requires all states to “ensure that any person who participates in the financing, planning, preparation or perpetration of terrorist acts or in supporting terrorist acts is brought to justice and [to] ensure that… such terrorist acts are established as serious criminal offences in domestic laws and regulations and that the punishment duly reflects the seriousness of such terrorist acts.”

In 2004, Mr. Annan wrote “there is nothing in the facts of occupation that justifies the targeting and killing of civilians.” In Mr. Annan’s 2006 report to the General Assembly, “Uniting Against Terrorism: recommendations for a counter-terrorism strategy,” he wrote, “The United Nations should project a clear, principled and immutable message that terrorism is unacceptable. Terrorists must never be allowed to create a pretext for their actions.”

In view of this clear and emphatic condemnation of all acts of terrorism the Special Rapporteur’s acceptance of Arab terrorism against innocent civilians of Israel as an “inevitable consequence of occupation,” his characterization of Israel’s attempt to stop such attacks as a ” distraction,” and a ” pretext,” and his warning that until the “occupation” is brought to an end “violence will continue,” are shocking.

The report should be rejected by the Council on Human Rights. Unfortunately, given the composition and history of that body, that is not likely. But, Mr. Ban, outgoing U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour, and all those who understand that the attacks on Israel are not just a “distraction” and a “pretext” should speak out against the report.

Ms. Halberstam, a professor of Law at the Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law, formerly served as Counselor on International Law in the U.S. Department of State, Office of the Legal Advisor. She is a member of the SPME Speaker’s Bureau and can be reached through spme@spme.org

Malvina Halberstam: Bracing for Dugard

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AUTHOR

Malvina Halberstam

Malvina Halberstam, Professor of International Law, is one of the founding faculty of the Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law of Yeshiva University. Prior to coming to Cardozo, she taught at Loyola, University of Southern California, University of Texas, University of Virginia, and Hebrew University of Jerusalem. She clerked for Judge Edmund L. Palmieri, following Ruth Ginsburg (now Justice Ginsburg) and served as an Assistant District Attorney in Manhattan under the legendary Frank Hogan, the first woman appointed by him. From 1985 - 1986 she served as the Counselor on International Law in the U.S. Department of State, Office of the Legal Advisor. She helped draft and headed the U.S. delegation to negotiations on the Convention for the Suppression of Unlawful Acts Against the Safety of Maritime Navigation, a treaty on terrorism on the high seas triggered by the Achille Lauro seizure, adopted in Rome in 1988.

Professor Halberstam has lectured and published articles on International Law, the Constitution and U.S. Foreign Affairs, Human Rights, Women's Rights, Criminal Justice, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, and co-authored a book on international agreements on women's rights.

Professor Halberstam graduated from Columbia University Law School, where she was third in her class and Articles and Reviews Editor of the Columbia Law Review. She also earned Masters in International affairs from the Columbia School of International Affairs. She was born in Kempno, Poland shortly before W.W.II, and survived the war, together with her immediate family, in Siberia and Kirgistan. She came to the United States in 1947.

  • Her most recent publications are:
  • The Evolution of the United Nations Position on Terrorism: From Exempting National Liberation Movements to Criminalizing Terrorism Whenever and by Whomever Committed, 41 Columbia Journal of Transnational Law 573 (2003).
  • The U.S. Right to Use Force in Response to the Attacks on the Pentagon and the World Trade Center (forthcoming).

    • Her articles focusing on the Middle East, include:
    • The Jerusalem Embassy Act: United States Recognition of Jerusalem, Undivided, as the Capital of Israel, 14 Bar Ilan Law Studies 391 (1998) (in Hebrew).
    • The Jerusalem Embassy Act, 19 Fordham Int. Law. J. 1379 (1996). An earlier version of this article, entitled Can Congress Move An Embassy?, appeared in the Legal Times, Oct. 9, 1995 at 46, reprinted in the Congressional Record, 141 CONG REC S 15177-9 (daily ed. Oct. 10, 1995).
    • How Serious Are We About Prohibiting International Terrorism and Punishing Terrorists? 11 The Jewish Lawyer 1 (1996).
    • Nationalism and the Right to Self-Determination: The Arab-Israeli Conflict, 26 N.Y.U. Journal of Int. L. and Politics 1001 (1994).
    • The Myth that Israel's Presence in Judea and Samaria is Comparable to Iraq's Presence in Kuwait, 19 Syracuse J. Int. L. and Com. 1 (1993).
    • Self-Determination in the Arab-Israeli Conflict: Meaning, Myth, and Politics, 21 N.Y.U. Journal of Int. L. and Politics 465 (1989).
    • Excluding Israel from the General Assembly by a Rejection of its Credentials, 78 Am. J. Int. Law (1984).

  1. List of Topics:
  2. Can Israel Legally Retain Territory Captured in the War of Independence and the Six Day War?
  3. Jerusalem from Camp David I to Camp David II: U.S. and Israeli Law & Policy.
  4. The Use and Misuse of Language in the War Against Israel: Palestinians, Occupied Territories; West Bank; Settlements; Arab East Jerusalem; Haram Al-Sharif.
  5. Should Israel Adopt a Fundamental Law Requiring Prior Knesset Approval for Treaties?
  6. Why Doesn't the U.S. Prosecute Arafat for the Murder of the U.S. Ambassador to the Sudan?
  7. The Belgian Indictment of Ariel Sharon for War Crimes: Vindication of Justice or Pursuit of Politics?
  8. Civil Actions in U.S. Courts for War Crimes, Terrorism, and other Human Rights Violations.


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